Why we must not ignore the importance of 'grapevine knowledge' when it comes to educational choices

Suki Dhesi, Research Further Scholar and Vice Principal (Students, Learning & Quality) at HSDC

Many parents rely on ‘grapevine’ knowledge when making educational choices with young people (Ball & Vincent, 1998). Also referred to a ‘hot’ knowledge, this the kind of knowledge that comes from experiences of friends and family. Ball and Vincent (1998) state in their research ‘I heard it on the grapevine – "hot" knowledge and school choice’, that this knowledge is powerful but dependent on social capital, which is defined as trust networks that individuals can draw upon for social support (Giddens, 2000). Much like other forms of capital, social capital is productive, therefore "making possible the achievement of certain ends that would not be attainable in its absence" (Coleman, 1990). There are numerous other definitions of social capital, the term has become ubiquitous. For Bourdieu, social capital is not uniformly available to members of a group or collective but available to those who provide efforts to acquire it by achieving positions of power and status (Bourdieu, 1986).

These definitions of social capital demonstrate that ‘hot’ knowledge through the grapevine is dependent on social networks, therefore may be difficult of access for some groups in society, who have not yet acquired power or status. However, ‘cold’ knowledge is more widely available, as is produced by schools and colleges themselves or published as examination results and league tables, however, can be less influential for parents (Ball & Vincent, 1998). Educational decisions are further complicated by a young person’s ‘capacity to aspire’, based on cultural expectations, economic circumstances, and personal values, embedding a complex layer alongside ‘hot’ and ‘cold’ knowledge (Apadurai, 2004).

Deconstructing educational choices requires an individualistic approach, to understanding a young person’s world from their viewpoint. For example, intersectionality provides a framework for understanding how multiple systems of oppression such as racism, sexism, and classism combine to shape individuals’ experiences in unique ways depending on race, gender, and class (Crenshaw, 2011). An individualistic application through a bioecological model can also be useful. Bronfenbrenner’s model (1974) divides the environment a young person exists within into five systems: microsystem, mesosystem, exosystem, macrosystem, and chronosystem. The microsystem is the most influential level, encompassing the young person’s immediate environment such as family and school. The mesosystem is the interaction between microsystems, the exosystem are the environments that affect a person indirectly, such as the community, a macrosystem is the broader society and culture that affect a person and the chronosystem the dimension of time, including generational influences. This model can be used to highlight that the context for ethnic minority families is often complex and multi-faceted, for example if dealing with intergenerational trauma due to experiences of structural racism. These experiences often make it a priority for parents to seek protection and safety for the younger generation, therefore discouraging them to pursue employment based educational routes, due to the perceived security of traditional classroom-based learning (Stern, Babarin and Cassidy, 2021). These factors play a significant role in educational choices for ethnic minority young people when navigating their way through the educational landscape and may unintentionally deter them from developing the skills and expertise to gain long-term sustainable employment.

Research and data relating to educational choices demonstrates an apparent paradox in relation to the aspirations of ethnic minority young people, their predominantly successful educational outcomes, but the inability to translate these ambitions and achievements into high-paid jobs when compared with the white majority (Platt, 2018). Recent data highlights that black, African, Caribbean and black British employees consistently earn less than white employees (ONS, 2021). This suggests that the pattern is still that ethnic minority young people are not translating their high aspirations into commensurate occupational success (Mirza and Warwick, 2022). Therefore, it is all the more important to identify what is causing the enduring differences in labour market success.

One explanation is that ‘racialised norms’ shape expectations of the worker, and of who fits where in vocational training systems and labour markets (Puwar, 2004). Recent data highlights that Asian people made up 6.5% of apprentices and 9.6% of the population, black people made up 3.9% of apprentices and 4.2% of the population (Gov.UK, 2024). T level data shows a similar picture, white students are still slightly overrepresented compared to the overall cohort of 16- and 17-year-olds. Asian and Asian British students were the second largest group at nearly 10% in 2022-23, while all other groups of students made up 5% or less of T level students in each year (Maris, Khandekar & Morris, 2024).

The Skills England report 'Driving growth and widening opportunities' (2024), highlights the imperative "to build a high-skill, high-productivity workforce that is matched to employers' needs and ensure that everyone, regardless of their background, can access the opportunities they need to thrive". The report acknowledges that earning potential is higher for graduates, however, clarifies the importance of young people understanding that technical education incorporates graduate level study, enabling successful transition into occupations in demand at a younger age. Of the 2.5 million roles currently in critical demand, nearly all of these roles require work-related training to develop high level occupational skills.

A possible explanation of why many ethnic minority young people do not choose work-related training, despite the skills demand, may include a lack of social capital, therefore not benefitting from ‘grapevine’ or ‘hot’ knowledge clarifying the potential transformative impact on skills development. In a large European opinion survey, the UK scored the lowest for awareness of vocational education and training (Opinion Survey on VET, 2018). This is even more significant for ethnic minority individuals in the UK with potentially fewer social networks. The Rowntree Foundation (2014) states that knowledge of education and labour market systems, and how to negotiate them, significantly affects employment outcomes. More than two decades of research has established that employees’ gender, race, and ethnicity affect their experiences in the workplace (McGuire, 2000).

There is an urgent need to ensure that education providers, support young people to build trusting networks with potential employers and training providers, to develop their social capital, to enable access to occupational skills and subsequent economic prosperity.

References:

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Ball, S. J., & Vincent, C. (1998). “I Heard It on the Grapevine”: “Hot” Knowledge and School Choice. British Journal of Sociology of Education, 19(3), 377–400. http://www.jstor.org/stable/1393242

Bourdieu, P. 1986. “The Forms of Capital.” Pp. 241–58 in Handbook of theory and research for the sociology of education, edited by J. G. Richardson. New York: Greenwood Press.

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‌Mirza, H., & Warwick, R. (2022). An IFS initiative funded by the Nuffield Foundation Race and ethnicity. https://ifs.org.uk/sites/default/files/2022-11/Race-and-ethnicity-IFS-Deaton-Review-of-Inequalities.pdf

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Rowntree Foundation. (2014). How place influences employment outcomes for ethnic minorities. www.jrf.org.uk. https://www.jrf.org.uk/race-and-ethnicity/how-place-influences-employment-outcomes-for-ethnic-minorities